خطبات · Rahimia Institute of Quranic Sciences

سیمینار | سوشل میڈیا کے مفید استعمال کی تعلیم و تربیت میں ریاستی ذمہ داریاں سیرتُ النبی ﷺ کی روشنی میں

·39 min·3 clips

A new technology with no limits forces husbands, wives, children, and states into roles they never wanted.

1. A Friday seminar address from Khutbaat examines state responsibility for social media regulation through the framework of the Prophet Muhammad's Seerah. 2. The speaker is an Islamic scholar addressing what appears to be a university audience; no named guests are present. 3. The core thesis is that social media governance failures in Pakistan reflect the state's broader failure to build on the Prophet's four principles — national freedom, justice, security, and social prosperity — rather than any inherent evil in the technology. 4. The speaker opens by criticizing the reflex to declare social media a 'fitnah' or 'dajjal technology,' noting that Muslims once rejected loudspeakers with fatwas before making them essential to religious practice. 5. He states that 7-8 billion people globally are now embedded in social media, making blanket prohibition both impractical and intellectually dishonest. 6. The speaker draws on Surah Al-Ahzab, where Allah describes the Prophet as 'a witness, bearer of good tidings, a warner, and a call to Allah' — framing guidance as inherently adaptive to new circumstances. 7. He traces the Prophet Muhammad's life from his birth in 570 AD through the first revelation in 610 AD and the final verse revealed at Hajjat-ul-Weda in 632 AD as the template for state-building under 23 years of transformation. 8. Imam Shah Waliullah's analysis is cited: the Prophet's 13-year Meccan phase was about building an organized community force capable of forming a sovereign state against Abu Jahl's system of oppression. 9. The Prophet's state in Medina is described as the first government to protect all people — regardless of race, color, or religion — where the Prophet ruled in favor of a Jew's claim against a Muslim because the Jew was truthful. 10. The four foundational values of Prophetic governance are stated: national freedom from external domination, justice, security of life and property, and social prosperity where no one lives in hunger. 11. The speaker states that Umar bin Abdulaziz commanded all governors to preach the establishment of justice in sermons — making justice a state-enforced value, not merely a spiritual one. 12. The Ottoman Caliphate's collapse after World War One and the subsequent Sykes-Picot division of the Muslim world into nationalist states is identified as the moment Pakistan became a framework derived from European nationalism rather than Islamic civilization. 13. The speaker names Muhammad bin Qasim, Mahmood Ghaznavi, and Bahadur Shah Zafar as anchors of the thousand-year Islamic governance history of South Asia that Pakistani universities do not teach. 14. Islamic scholars and saints who served all communities — Khwaja Muhyiddin Ajmeri, Bahauddin Zakaria Multani, Dada Ganbaghsh, Shah Abdul Latif Bhittai — are cited as evidence of the subcontinent's non-discriminatory Islamic social contract. 15. The speaker argues that Pakistani universities study American, European, Chinese, and Russian political science while ignoring the Islamic jurisprudence and governance structures that operated in South Asia for a millennium. 16. Social media's three legitimate responsibilities are stated: providing factual information rather than disinformation, education and skills transfer, and fostering national unity rather than sectarian division. 17. The tone is measured and scholarly, building from Islamic historical examples toward a sharp political critique of the Pakistani state and educational establishment. 18. The format is a solo seminar lecture without audience interaction, using Quranic citations and historical analysis to ground policy arguments. 19. This episode is for Pakistani academics, students, and policymakers interested in Islamic governance frameworks applied to contemporary technology policy. 20. Listeners seeking secular technology regulation analysis or those unfamiliar with Islamic political thought and South Asian history will find the density of references difficult to follow.

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